Pakistan one Unit

The period of One Unit was one of the darkest era Sindh ever witnessed during the post-Independence period, for Sindh had already suffered the affects of similar system during its 89-year annexation (1847-1936) with the Bombay Presidency. But after Independence, it was in the minds of a group of politicians backed by some vested interests that the resources of Sindh could be exploited on one pretext or the other. 

The scheme of One Unit was not a new one. Right from the inception of Pakistan, vested interests had their eyes on the natural resources of smaller provinces, but till Quaid-i-Azam's death, it was not possible because nobody dared to speak about it. 

The first vague plan of the One Unit was spelt out when on March 2, 1949, Malik Firoz Khan Noon, spoke about it on the floor of the first Constituent Assembly. The next day, Begum Jehan Ara Shahnaz supported it, followed by a flurry of statements for and against it. Chaudhry Mohammed Ali, Mushtaq Ahmad Gurmani, Mumtaz Mohammed Khan and some other leaders were in the forefront to see the scheme implemented as soon as possible. Sindh opposed it. But the opposition from politicians was not forceful enough. It was not that the power barons were afraid of any serious uprising from Sindh, but they wanted to retain their hegemony over East Pakistan and kept busy in manipulating various schemes. In 1954, when the Bangla leaders became sure that the West Pakistan leadership wanted to keep the reins of power in their hands by not granting a one-man one-vote right, they became agitative. 

In the meantime, Nazimuddin was dismissed and Mohammad Ali Bogra was nominated as prime minister. The main reason for his replacement was that the Punjab leaders wanted the unpopular decision of forming the One Unit to be implemented through Bogra's pen. In one of the cabinet meetings, Gen Ayub Khan, the then Commander-in-chief and Defence Minister, openly expressed his opinion on the One Unit plan, saying this was his plan and his first attempt would be to make West Pakistan one province, no matter what opposition came in the way. The smaller provinces had their apprehensions and opposed it, but to no avail.In the absence of the Constituent Assembly, the provincial assemblies were the only forums to pave way for the One Unit, and their consent was necessary. The task was personally undertaken by Governor-General Ghulam Mohammed. Everybody knew that it would invite stern antagonism from Sindh only. Agitations began participated by lawyers, students, writers and peasants, while the politicians confined themselves to drawing rooms. 

This was the end of October 1954. Pirzada Abdus Sattar headed the then Sindh government who resented vehemently. Ghulam Mohammed tried to persuade Pirzada, but to no avail. He was aware of the sentiments of the people and did not want to put his political career at stake. But then, there were other options open to Ghulam Mohammed. One was to manipulate the Public Representatives Disqualification Order (PRODA), which had axed Mohammed Ayub Khuhro from politics for four years. He had been a chief minister of Sindh. A shrewd and sturdy politician from Larkana, he was known for his stubbornness and skillful playing of the political arena. 

Ghulam Mohammed's moves worked well for him. He got an assurance from Khuhro that he had his ways and would get the One Unit bill passed by the Sindh Assembly. A deal was struck that in exchange of the One Unit bill, Khuhro would be pardoned of the implications of the PRODA, made Chief Minister of Sindh and a place in the future federal cabinet, in which he was later convicted on charges of corruption by Gen Ayub Khan. 

On Nov 18, 1954, Pir Ali Mohammed Rashdi, the right-hand man of Khuhro announced the scheme of One Unit at a press conference and pledged that any opposition to that would be met with force. Four day later, Prime Minister Mohammed Ali Bogra convened a meeting of Sindh politicians to seek their opinion on the scheme, but no debate was allowed. In the evening, the Prime Minister made a formal announcement on Radio Pakistan that the scheme would be implemented. 

The Governor-General, Ghulam Mohammed, was not afraid of other provinces. The Khairpur state was the first to bow before the centre's will and announce joining the One Unit. The state of Bahawalpur, too, did not bother to wait any longer. On Nov 25, Sardar Abdur Rasheed got the bill through the NWFP Assembly with nominal opposition. Five days later, the Punjab Assembly passed the resolution without any opposition. What Ghulam Mohammed feared was the opposition from Sindh. 

From the day of the announcement of the scheme on Nov 22 by Bogra, agitations began in Sindh, because the people knew what it meant for Sindh and its inhabitants. Its resources, seaport, unexplored resources, manpower and the industrial potential, all qualified for colonization. But at the same time, the youth and aware political workers of Sindh were also conscious. The only tragedy with the Sindhi population was the absence of active politicians in this campaign. Except G.M. Syed, Comrade Haider Bakhsh Jatoi, Comrade Ghulam Mohammed Leghari, students, a few journalists and writers, all politicians kept an untruthful quiet, fearing a backlash in terms of the government's aversion. 

This was the height of disassociation of the politicians. While organizations such as the Sindhi Adabi Sangat and Hari Haqdar opposed the scheme, the politicians of Sindh confined themselves to official circles to ensure their interests. It was only a group of few dedicated workers belonging to G.M. Syed, Jatoi, Leghari and the writers who took the torch. 
The first axe fell upon Al-Wahid, the popular daily newspaper that, in the past, had raised the voice of Sindh in the separation from the Bombay Presidency. The newspaper was closed without even giving a warning. Daily Karwan was the next victim, for it belonged to Haji Najmuddin Sarewal, a minister of the dissolved ministry of Pirzada. A large number of small newspapers and periodicals were also closed down. 

There was only one outspoken political leader, Ghulam Mustafa Bhurguri, against whom Khuhro could not find any excuse for arrest. Agha Ghulam Nabi was arrested from a hotel in Hyderabad. The speaker, Mir Ghulam Ali Talpur, about whom Khuhro was sure that he won't allow the tabling of the One Unit bill, was forced to resign and a casewas registered against him at the police station of Mithi in Tharparkar district. He was arrested and sent to that police station on camel back. 

Khuhro did not want the Sindh Assembly to take up the bill in the assembly's Karachi building, and decided that the session was to be held in Hyderabad, and for that purpose the Darbar Hall located inside the Sessions Court building was chosen. This was the first time that the assembly's session was being held outside the Assembly building. 

Before summoning the session, Khuhro talked to every parliamentary group in the Sindh Assembly and used all kinds of efforts to ensure the passage of the bill without any opposition. Some were offered positions in the government, others were coerced. 

December 11, 1954, was the darkest day in the history of Sindh. This was the day on which the elected representatives of Sindh were going to surrender their will, lose their provincial autonomy and submit their resources to others, and would be ruled from a distance of 1,000kms. 

A very strong posse of police was stationed outside the Sessions Court building. Even inside the court premises, police were deployed to prevent entry of any undesirable people. Khuhro knew that who would be voting against the bill, therefore, specific instructions were given not to allow them entry. These members were also aware that what kind of hounding was following them, therefore they made plans to reach the assembly. Mir Ghulam Ali Talpur did not know about it, and reached the premises. As soon as he stepped out of his car, he was picked up by the cops, thrown into a pick-up and transported to Umerkot. 

Finally, the session began. People did not know how the members would act when the bill would be moved. Perhaps, they had laid hopes that their elected MPAs would reject the bill, but coercion, greed and other methods worked well. Mohammed Ali Jamot, Mir Ali Ahmed Talpur, Qazi Mohammed Akbar, Pir Ali Mohammed Rashdi, Jamal Khan Leghari, Begum Tahira Agha and others spoke on the bill. 

In all, there were 110 members out of which eight abstained or were jailed, four voted against and 98 voted for the bill. In Bahawalpur, the cabinet of Mian Hassan Mehmood was dismissed and the bill gotten through. In NWFP, Sardar Abdur Rasheed did not face any difficulty. In Balochistan, there was no assembly and the assent of the Khan of Kalat was enough. And, of course, there was no issue for Punjab. 

On Oct 14, 1955, One Unit came into being. What followed its formation is not a secret. It gave birth to a number of miseries for the people of smaller provinces, and it was after many years that Gen Yahya Khan dismembered it in 1970, after he felt that it was unjustified.