Gohar Ayub Khan Reveals Official Secrets In His Book: “Testing Times As Foreign Minister"

Gohar Ayub has revealed official and unofficial secrets in his second book. Mian Nawaz Sharif always takes pride and credit for nuclear tests in May 1998, but Gohar Ayub has revealed that Mian Nawaz Sharif was not in favour of tests and he was forced to take this decision

Monday, June 01, 2009

Gohar Ayub Khan is son of first military ruler of Pakistan, Field Marshal Muhammad Ayub Khan who ruled our country for 11 years. He did not establish and build democratic and political institutions and made Pakistan a client state of United States. Gohar Ayub who remained speaker National Assembly and foreign minister has written two valueable books. The first book “Glimpses into the Corridors of Power” was published in 2007. The second book “Testing Times as Foreign Minister” published recently covers the period from 1997 to 1998. During this period Pakistan recognised the Taliban government in Afghanistan and nuclear tests were conducted. Gohar Ayub was witness to these historical events as foreign minister.

Gohar Ayub has revealed official and unofficial secrets in his second book. Mian Nawaz Sharif always takes pride and credit for nuclear tests in May 1998, but Gohar Ayub has revealed that Mian Nawaz Sharif was not in favour of tests and he was forced to take this decision.

     “The PM was lukewarm upon meeting me. He called a meeting of the cabinet, at which Chaudhry Nisar Ali Khan right away opposed any tests from our side. This was followed by similar statements from ministers Sartaj Aziz, Mushahid Hussain and Begum Abida Hussain.

    I had been listening quietly till then, and could not hold back any more. The indignation in my voice was clear when I said that if we did not respond with tests of our own, the Pakistani people would come out onto the streets in all the major cities and we would be swept aside; we would simply be paving the way for someone else to gain the people's respect. The meeting slowly turned towards the possibility of conducting nuclear tests. In the meeting of the DCC on 13 May 1998, I repeated my argument in support of testing. Raja Zafar-ul-Haq asked General Jahangir Karamat for his views. He said we could match India, but the decision to do so would have to be a political one. We then moved on talking about logistics. It was decided that we would carry out six tests and the Shaheen missile would be tested as well. A committee was constituted to prepare the public for the tests and the sanctions that would inevitably follow, and also to meet other political personalities for their support. I was to meet the Leader of the Opposition, Benazir.

    Two days later, the DCC met again. The PM announced that he was not in favour of the tests. When I reiterated my position, his face turned red with anger. A few moments later, the PM took a deep breath, looked at the people sitting around him, and said: 'I will listen to everyone's views.' As it turned out, Nawaz Sharif found himself totally out-voted. Even Saeed Mehdi his principal secretary and Anwar Zahid his advisor were in favour of testing. Realizing that he was isolated, he retracted from his earlier position, and said: 'Do not misunderstand me, we will go ahead with tests.' He then turned towards Admiral Fasih Bokhari, sitting on my right said: Admiral there will be sanctions and difficult days. You will not be able to use your Mercedes car.” [Gohar Ayub: “Testing Times as Foreign Minister”, pp.35, 36]

Gohar Ayub met Kashmiri leaders. One of Kashmiri leaders said to him that there is a difference between India and Pakistan.

 “In India, if the government sets out to take some measures it gets its peoples' support and all political parties and the armed forces back it wholeheartedly. They did this for the attack on East Pakistan, and they won the war. Practically all the world was opposing them except Bhutan, and yet they achieved their objective.
I agreed with him. 'And in Pakistan?' I asked. 'East Pakistan became Bangladesh, Afghanistan is still in turmoil and Kashmir continues to bleed. Pakistan takes half-hearted measures and has not brought any issue to fruition.” [Gohar Ayub: “Testing Times as Foreign Minister”, p.8]

Gohar Ayub Khan may not agree that Nahru of India and Ayub of Pakistan were responsible for this basic difference. Gohar Ayub Khan has narrated the visit of president Leghari to China.

 “When I became foreign minister, our balance of payments and reserve situation was far from satisfactory. President Farooq Khan Leghari  was to go to China to obtain a one billion dollar loan to boost our reserves and I was to accompany him. The cornerstone of Pakistan's foreign policy at the time was strengthening ties with China. We left Islamabad on 29 April 1997 for Beijing, and met President Jiang Zemin and his financial team the same afternoon. The President thanked the Chinese leadership for consistently coming to Pakistan's help and reaffirmed that ours was a time-tested friendship. When President Leghari began discussing the possibility of sending back the thirteen Chinese youngsters who had crossed over the Shamshal Pass into Hunza, the Chinese president was all ears. (Thirteen Chinese nationals had come to Pakistan, claiming they were short of food. They had  been arrested in Gilgit, released on bail, and since then they had been staying at a local madrassa.)

The Chinese president thanked us and said that he would have helped us with our request for loans, but that they had their own financial problems to resolve just then. They agreed to give $250 million as a short-term loan.” [Gohar Ayub: “Testing Times as Foreign Minister”, p.9]

It is deploreable that Pakistan has been made 'international beggar' ruling elite and perhaps cannot survive without begging. Gohar tells interesting story of personal friend of Mian Nawaz Shairf.

“Mr Ahmed Saeed, a businessman living in Washington, was a personal friend of PM Nawaz Sharif. He would receive the PM whenever he went to Europe, the USA, the Gulf and Saudi Arabia, and on the PM's insistence Mr Saeed was given VVIP status by each host country. He even had access to the PM's bedroom and they enjoyed a very special relationship. It was not proper for a personal friend — who was possibly a partner in some business or looking after funds abroad — to be given such importance. Mr. Ahmed Saeed himself was a quiet and a gentle person. It was the PM who would elevate him to a high profile position during his foreign visits. He even sanctioned a diplomatic passport for Mr Saeed and made him an Honorary Consul General in Washington. There was no need for an Honorary Consul General in Washington — our embassy there was doing quite a good job — and of course such moves by the PM became matter of concern for us in the foreign ministry and for our mission abroad.” [Gohar Ayub: “Testing Times as Foreign Minister”, p.20]

    The Muslim League decided to impeach president Leghari on 19 November 1997. Farooq Leghari resigned on 2 December 1997. According to Gohar the prime minister Nawaz Sharif “searched for the most docile candidate he could find, preferably someone who would not even breathe without his consent. Chaudhry Muhammad Sarwar (MNA), Fida Muhammad Khan (former governor NWFP), and Sartaj Aziz were being considered. That Justice (retd) Muhammad Rafiq Tarar was chosen to be president came as a surprise to all, not least to himself. (Mr. Tarar was a friend of Mian Muhammad Sharif, father of the prime minister.” [Gohar Ayub: “Testing Times as Foreign Minister”, p.21]

“Gohar Ayub in his first book “Glimpses into Corridors of Power” wrote that during the trial of ZAB one serving major general of Pakistan Army told him that if the Supreme Court released Bhutto, he will shoot him with his own hands. In his second book Gohar shares with the readers another alarming observation about the mindset of senior army officers. ”

Gohar Ayub tells about the tussle between the prime minister and chief justice of Pakistan. 

“Meanwhile, the tussle between the PM and the Chief Justice was reaching its peak. I got a call from the PM on 5 November 1997 asking me to come and see him in his chamber in the National Assembly. When I arrived, I found the members of the Privileges Committee (Nawabzada Iqbal Mehdi and others) present in the cabinet room. The PM asked the chairman of the privileges committee to explain the situation to me. The chairman said that they wanted to summon the Chief Justice before the committee, and all those present (including the PM) concurred. I told them that the rules did not provide for such a drastic step. 'It will not be taken notice of,' I warned them. 'I have prepared the rules as the Speaker. No, you cannot summon him, and if you make the mistake of doing so, he will disregard your summons. The committee and the PM will be insulted?'

With that, the discussion came to an end. The PM asked me to accompany him to the PM House. In the car, the PM put his hand on my knee, and said: 'Gohar Sahib, show me a way to arrest the Chief Justice and keep him in jail for a night?'
    'For heaven's sake, do not even consider doing anything of the sort. 'The whole system will collapse,' I told him.
    He said no more.” [Gohar Ayub: “Testing Times as Foreign Minister”, p.21].
    Gohar Ayub writes about the kitchen cabinet of Mian Nawaz Sharif.

                                                                              
  

“Mr Nawaz Sharif's kitchen cabinet was comprised almost entirely of Punjabis. Nawaz Sharif liked to surround himself with people who would stick to him like leeches wherever he went, regardless of whether there was any need for them or not. Many of his ministers took advantage of him as well. His inability to respond to questions on the spot was exploited by a certain minister who more or less stayed with him day in and day out, whispering suggestions into his ear — it got to the point that Nawaz Sharif would feel uncomfortable without him. Another kitchen cabinet member thought of himself as the real prime minister and acted with little regard for Nawaz Sharif. Two ministers were masters at cutting in from nowhere, forcing their way next to the prime minister, and after photos had been taken, disappearing as suddenly as they had appeared.” [Gohar Ayub: “Testing Times as Foreign Minister”, pp.22, 23].
    

Aimal Kansi was arrested from D. G. Khan by CIA operations and was deported to US without producing him before the court. Gohar Ayub tells the secret that Chaudhry Nisar Ali Khan now opposition leader made arrangements for deportation of Aimal Kansi.

“With that, the discussion came to an end. The PM asked me to accompany him to the PM House. In the car, the PM put his hand on my knee, and said: 'Gohar Sahib, show me a way to arrest the Chief Justice and keep him in jail for a night?'  'For heaven's sake, do not even consider doing anything of the sort. 'The whole system will collapse,' I told him.”

“Aimal Kansi had killed CIA employees just outside the C.I.A. Headquarters at Langley. He fled the States and came to Pakistan. The C.I.A. successfully followed and tracked him down. He was cornered and taken into custody by the Americans. Secretary of State Madeline Albright rang up Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif in Istanbul during the D8 Conference in early June 1997 informing him that Kansi was with the Americans and they wanted to take him out of Pakistan immediately and also that it should not come in the press. The Prime Minister asked her to ring up again after an hour. During this period he contacted Chaudhry Nisar Ahmad Khan, Minister for Petroleum and Natural Resources to make the necessary arrangements and kept President Farooq Leghari informed. On Madeline Albright's second call the Prime Minister confirmed his eagerness to have Aimal Kansi taken out of Pakistan by the Americans. Whilst the Prime Minister was in Istanbul, back in Islamabad it was Chaudhry Nisar Ali Khan, Minister for Petroleum and Natural Resources the point man in handing over Kansi to the Americans.” [Gohar Ayub: “Testing Times as Foreign Minster”, p.52]

    Gohar Ayub in his first book “Glimpses into Corridors of Power” wrote that during the trial of ZAB one serving major general of Pakistan Army told him that if the Supreme Court released Bhutto, he will shoot him with his own hands. In his second book Gohar shares with the readers another alarming observation about the mindset of senior army officers.

    “During Bhutto's trial which dragged on for some duration, I heard some senior Army officer says that the South Korean example should have been followed in which the South Korean President was killed by a major during the military takeover. Thank God such notion did not root in the higher ranks of the army and successive takeovers and dismissal of governments and dissolution of the assemblies have been bloodless.” [Gohar Ayub: “Testing Times as Foreign Minister”, p.53]
Mr Gohar Ayub's book is worth reading.